AFK-EuPRA – 11 (Part 1) and 14 (Part 2): From Hot War to Negative, Positive or Hybrid Peace? Inclusive Peacemaking and Comprehensive Post-Conflict Tasking

AFK-EuPRA – 11 (Part 1) and Panel 14 (Part 2): From Hot War to Negative, Positive or Hybrid Peace? Inclusive Peacemaking and Comprehensive Post-Conflict Tasking

Military interventions to end civil wars, violent upheavals and other armed conflicts are still predominant and have proven to be more and more questionable at the same time. Not only do success stories, if any, of ‘we-bring-liberal-peace-and-democracy-to-them’ fall far below expectations, but oftentimes even the first step of ‘stopping the guns’ is only of partial, temporary nature. Libya, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and South Sudan are clear examples of both cases. As a result, follow-up processes of conflict-transformation, -resolution and post-conflict tasks are built upon an unstable foundation. Moreover, military interventions produce astronomical costs: material damages, immaterial losses and ‘unexpected side effects’ such as forced mass-exodus, along with increasing spending on the militarization of border security, police forces and policies to repel refugees. The panel consists of two parts: Panel 11 tackles aspects of widening discrepancies and military interventions like continued high-level military spending. Panel 14 looks at alternative approaches to peace-building and post-conflict tasking.


AFK-EuPRA – 11 (Part 1): From Hot War to Negative, Positive or Hybrid Peace? Inclusive Peacemaking and Comprehensive Post-Conflict Tasking

Chair: Itır Toksöz (Doğuş University, Turkey)


Hendrik Bullens (fm COPE Augsburg University, Germany; crt Eurasian National University Kazakhstan; EuPRA Board) in cooperation with Aude Fleurant (SIPRI Sweden), Andres Macias (Universidad Externado Columbia), Vidar Vambheim (University of Tromso, Norway) 2 PIR: Pilot Projects on the Integration and Re-Integration of Forcibly Displaced Persons and Ex-Combatants – Alternatives in Post-Conflict Management (Work in Progress)

The paper roughly outlines five  practical-political pilot projects on conflict and peace related issues on Integration and Re-Integration of Forcibly Displaced Persons (FDPs) and Ex-Combattants after Civvil War +one research project + one research project (hereafter: 2PIR). The overall concept of 2PIR aims at carrying out five different pilot projects in two critical spheres. The first realm is that of Internally and Externally Forced Migrants – or, adopting the UNHCR short wording which includes both: Forcibly Displaced Persons (hereafter: FDPs). The second subject matter is that of Ex-Combattants in Civil Wars.

Both areas are interlinked by the goal and task of – upon safe return – the  Integration of FDPs – , respectively Re-integration of Ex-Combattants in work or educational environments, families, communities and civil society. Regardless of specific differences, both are groups of individuals (or relatives) severely at risk who have suffered extremely socio-economic hardship, undergone chronic psycho-physical distress and experienced deep personal suffering including encounters with dying and death. From psychological and psychiatric expertise it is widely accepted that such experiences may have resulted not only in poverty, isolation, homelessness and increasing plight but oftentimes also in mental disorders such as the Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSS) or – be it as victims or perpetrators – in persistent feelings of guilt, shame, depression, contemplated or attempted suicide or other forms of violence against oneself or others.

Therefore, only an interdisciplinary and holistic approach can provide a solid bedrock for effective and resilient (Re-)Integration. Reversely, disregarding that requirement by reducing it to a purely economic matter not only jeopardizes successful (Re-)Integration, it also may increase in both groups the likelihood of abusive, violent or criminal behaviour.

The five  2PIR ventures are accompanied by a research project: a quantitative case study on the extend, functions and impacts of the Privatizing of  Military Security in Colombia (and Turkey) – a stealthy transformation trend – for the public rather covert than overt – which seems to gain ground almost ubiquitously.

2PIR will beconducted in collaboration with researchers and NGO practitioners from different countries and institutions such as SIPRI, CPS Tromsö, UNHCR, IOM. Universidad Externado, Bogota, Justice Ministry Colombia and others.

Enika Abazi (PRIP; University of Lille, France) & Albert Doja (University of Lille, France): From Ideological Construction To War And Thereafter: A Socio-Anthropological Account Of The Balkan Wars

The paper introduces the socio-anthropological concept of international representations to examine the relationship between a civilizational rhetoric, the West European and the international politics of otherization and containment of Southeast Europe, and an essentialist and timeless bias in international relations theory, including both radical and constructivist trends. We first explore the different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars from the beginning to the end of the twentieth century. Their subsequent problematization is aimed at challenging the way they have constructed commonplace and time-worn representations, which international society shares with different consequences in international affairs. This is a limited conception since international representations as a socio-anthropological concept are always socially, culturally and politically constructed, contested and negotiated. They do not neutrally refer to a reality in the world; they create a reality of their own. Moreover, this limited conception ignores the fact that how, by whom and in whose interest international representations are constructed is itself a form of power in international relations. Therefore, the way international representations are constructed can be problematized as an example of political and ideological projects that operate in the West as well as in the Southeast European countries that are the object of Western foreign policy.

Susan Hoppert-Flämig (University of Bradford, UK): Understanding Shortcomings of Security Provision in Contexts of Large Scale Violence Through the Lens of Policy Research: The Case of El Salvador

This paper engages with the provision of intrastate security in the global South questioning the strong emphasis on institution building among practitioners involved with Security Sector Reforms and statebuilding. This focus on institutional aspects of security provision is also reflected in the academic literature in the field. The paper argues that a shift towards the analysis of security policy processes allows us to better comprehend the shortcomings and failures of security provision in states of the global South. It introduces the concept of ad hoc decision making as a characteristic of security policy processes in states that lack a legitimate monopoly on violence. Ad hoc decision making describes short-term policy decisions that are easily reversed or replaced which, in the long term, make it difficult for security reforms to be implemented.

The argument is based on research about security policy making under the first FMLN government in El Salvador 2009-2014. El Salvador is currently one of the most violent countries of the world: in 2015, 103 intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants were counted (IML 2015). Besides Southern Africa, Central America is the world’s region with most violent death unrelated to war (UNODC 2013). Despite the enormous problems the region faces in this regard, these issues are currently largely ignored in Europe. The paper suggests that the lack of attention among policy makers and scholars is not only due to geographical and geostrategic reasons but was also nurtured by the conceptual separation between political and social violence. For researchers of violence and security, this separation ultimately implied a stronger focus on political violence and, thus, on war-related violence. Whereas there is a debate about the global implications of war-related violence, the implications of large scale violence that appears to be unrelated to war are not discussed to the same extent. It is argued that issues of insecurity in societies of the global South need to be comprehended from a holistic perspective, engaging with in-depth research about policy processes in societies affected by various kinds of large scale violence.

Mugisho M. Aline (University of Erfurt, Germany): Social Resilience and the Narratives of Conflict: Documenting Strategies Developed by Women for Protection in Great-Lakes Region of Africa

Women’s protection has been largely discussed in conflict and gender scholarship and promoted as a key priority for governments, NGOs and international community. However, when critically analysed, the meaning of protection in conflict settings and the understanding of who should provide protection in emergencies, conflict and complex humanitarian crisis remain ambiguous. In long-term conflict settings for example, it is unclear whose role it is to protect civilians. Evidence in this field is rather indistinct whether the deployment of peacekeeping missions, the army, and other security forces is a sustainable approach for protection. Recent scholarship has also associated humanitarian aid to protection—particularly within the human security and human rights nexus. However, these approaches have been strongly criticized that the presence of the ‘so-called’ peacekeeping missions creates unnecessary attention therefore exposing the population to more hostilities. Also, humanitarian aid has been blamed for creating a culture of dependency that is more likely to increase vulnerability. A few studies argue that protection is subjective and thus recommend an alternative approach that focuses on locally developed strategies. This is an aspect that this study seeks to explore. It argues that, in order to understand women’s protection in intense and long-term conflicts, there is a need to include them as actors/stakeholders and ultimate providers of protection. In so doing, I distance from the popular victimhood and passive participant approaches. Thus, the study explores strategies women develop at a local and community level to overcome adversities they experience on a daily basis.

The data of this research is gathered through qualitative tools such as interviews, group discussion, document analysis and participant observation. These approaches were complimented by a participatory approach borrowed from Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM) and social resilience theory —which are participatory platforms for women to elaborate on their strategies for protection. CMM’s principles of: Coherence – (becoming a unified whole in conversations with others); Coordination (dealing with conflicting identities created by a situation in conflict); Mystery – (being comfortable with the unknown); Reflection-in-action (ways to identify alternative frames that enable them to elicit perspectives that they may have not been considered previously), Critical moments – (What we do in these moments is a positive reflection of what matters to us) Transforming narratives – to not lapse into temptations of traditional narratives based on our beliefs; to be able to reframe events and participate in collaborative contextual reconstruction. This create a platform for women to elaborate on their protection needs and map potential responses based on the avaiable resources within their communities.

The preliminary findings suggest that protection is broadly understood based on basic notions of sharing, love, unity and common welfare. The feeling of protection was conditioned by one’s ability to access education, work, trading space, safety, healthcare facilities, clothing, children’s education, community participation, inclusion in the decision-making process, justice, property ownership, marriage and opportunity to have a voice. Women participants to this study strongly expressed confidence in their ability to protect themselves. However, they uttered the need for family, community, government and NGOs (local and international)’s support to achieve sustainable protection.


AFK-EuPRA – 14 (Part 2): From Hot War to Negative, Positive or Hybrid Peace? Inclusive Peacemaking and Comprehensive Post-Conflict Tasking


Chair: Hendrik Bullens (fm Augsburg University COPE, Germany; Eurasian National University Astana, Kazakhstan; EuPRA Board)


Ashok Kumar Patra (Neelamadhab Mahavidyalaya, Kantilo, India): Peace Price: Rehabilitating Post War Armed Resistance Groups & Social Governance Idea

Armed resistance by interest groups against governments, their policies and symbols has a long history all across the world. During the currency of resistance movement, given the checkered stake holder ship in the conflict, weapon supply to funding of the myriad resistance groups has been a regular modus operandi to generate resistance movement funding.

There are dozen such cases of external funding evidence around the world. However, very little research and evidence is available on what happened to the resistance group once the conflict is resolved or peace is established.

Based on the nature and scope of conflict funding, resistance groups proliferate as a trained fighting force to inflict damage on the government and its interests. Soon after establishment of peace, the resistance group’s relevance is lost and they become nearly nobody’s baby.

Rehabilitation of these fighting force into mainstream life and converting them into productive process is a challenging proposition.

Several governments offer lucrative surrender policies to win back armed rebels into peaceful mainstream life. The case of Left Wing Extremists (LWE) in India and series of surrender policies at the provincial government level is a case in point with varying degree of success to this proactive and affirmative action. Nepal has a dedicated Ministry for the purpose resulting in LWEs re-induction to the mainstream electoral politics.

On the other hand, the contra rebels largely supported by American funding were mercilessly deserted soon after Sandinista government came to power in late 1980s. Nearly ten thousand such rebels were left high and dry in the neighboring Costa-Rican jungles.

Using empirical data base of resistance movements and the post conflict rehabilitation programmes success and failure narrative, this paper looks at three prominent case studies around the prospect of ‘Social Governance’ as a mechanism to post war rehabilitation of armed rebels.

This paper takes the case study of India and Nepal in Asia, Uganda an Eretria in Africa and the case of Contras and Chiapas in Latin America to examine the role and usefulness of Social Governance, local level Contact and Mediation Methodology and structural analysis of official and non-official peace and reconciliation process. This paper combines such field experience to look at prospect of peace negotiation at conflict management level. On the other hand it also expands the idea of peace mediation to examine post conflict rehabilitation of armed rebels into productive and economically viable human capital modality so that their rebel training becomes useful tool to social and economic reconstruction process.

Christian Braun & Sande Späker (Engagement Global gGmbH, Germany): Training the Peacekeepers – A perspective for Sustainable Peace or Manifestation of Global Unequality?

The concept of the “comprehensive approach” has become a paradigm for international state engagement in the field of fostering sustainable peace in crisis-ridden countries. This approach stipulates joint actions of different governmental institutions. The ministry of defence, providing interventionist armed forces; the ministry of interior, providing police personal; the ministry of foreign affairs, providing crisis aid and the ministry of economic cooperation and development define the core actors on the highest level, whilst the implementation of this approach is left to the various, highly heterogeneous employees of the ministries and their sub-contractors.

In order to set the grounds for co-operations in the field, the German governmental agency “Engagement Global”, attached to the ministry of economic co-operation and development has set up an education programme implementing international development in seminars for state security actors. These seminars start with exercises on the different stereotypes that army personal have against employees of international development aid and vice versa. By naming these stereotypes the floor is opened to actively confront personal of the “other” field of profession in order to set the grounds for an open discussion that can lead to a better understanding of the “other”.

These seminars give interesting insight into the self-perception of these very heterogenic actors. A picture of self-confidence on the one hand and uncertainty of the mission, the risks and the goals on the other, can be identified in the case of army personal. There are however definite differences between high and low ranking officers/sergeants.

The proposed paper will give insight into the self-perspective of army personal and into the question in how far seminars, such as conducted by Engagement Global, can effect this self-perspective. It will therefor deal with the question how army personal see themselves in out of area missions and what effect this self-perception has on the way these missions are carried out on the ground and co-operations with non-military actors funtions. In doing this it will show the lack of knowledge and often the un-willingness or unableness to change this lack of knowledge towards local structures in the regions engaged. The question in how far a more intensive co-operation with international non-military actors can change this state of knowing little about the regions engaged in will critically be analysed, because the input of international non-military actors can broaden the perceived knowledge of a region and its structures but still deploy neo-colonial stereotypes and a miss-interpretations of the situation on the ground. One aim of the before mentioned comprehensive approach, the exchange of information could therefor merely be a new way of planting western prejudices into the thinking of international military missions.

Onna Malou van den Broek (Utrecht University, Netherlands): Private Decisions, Public Results: The Legitimacy of German Business Action in Response to the Refugee Crisis

The author aims to provide a better understanding of how large German companies are responding to the current refugee crisis and to ultimately interpret this within the framework of legitimacy. Moreover, the purpose is to examine the role of the UN Global Compact within the German refugee crisis. Though the term corporate social responsibility (CSR) gained in popularity, the academic literature on the role of the private sector in response to a humanitarian crisis is practically non-existent. By responding to the refugee crisis, companies can avert the social problems caused by the crisis and ensure a high degree of stability within society. Business action responding to the refugee crisis has social – and political effects on society. Since companies have no democratic mandate, questions about legitimacy of these roles that companies are performing vis-à-vis society need to be addressed. Legitimacy exists according to Beetham (2013), out of three levels: views of legality, views of justification, and acts of consent. Since German companies are commonly responding to the refugee crisis, more than elsewhere, Germany is picked as a case-study.

This explorative research is carried out by a qualitative content analysis of the corporate websites of all the 53 German companies who are on the most recent Forbes 2000 list of the world’s biggest public companies. To verify the results, contact was made with these 53 companies through the e-mail. Results show nine different types of social private action, these are: financial donations, material donations, employee volunteering, human resources, education and training, advice and mentorship, social services and products, leisure activities and making connections and collaborations. Moreover, results indicate that on the global level the UN Global Compact signals business action in response to the refugee crisis to markets while on the local level it primarily functions as a learning platform. The main conclusion is that legitimacy can best be placed on a scale, with business action in response to the refugee crisis that is legal, addresses all refugee rights, addresses all social needs and is not subject to acts of dis-consents, being completely legitimate in its nature.

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